Wednesday, 25 February 2009
Moving tributes to Ivan
Tuesday, 17 February 2009
Brown bounce has just gone splat!
Friday, 13 February 2009
Brown fails to answer oral and written questions
Wednesday, 11 February 2009
Will Brown say sorry?
This follows Barack Obama's frank admission that he "screwed up" over his attempted appointment of Tom Daschle. Obama has won plaudits for the good grace of his confession of fault.
If Bright is correct, it seems Brown's advisers have come to the decision that unless Brown makes a mea culpa, he is doomed electorally. With Labour polling once again under 30 percent, something drastic needs to be done. Labour cannot put all their eggs into the 'G20 summit meeting with Obama' basket which is likely to prove insufficient in any case - and they probably know this.
His advisers will have their work cut out, however.
More...
Brown continues to ridiculously boast that we are "best placed" to weather the recession; refuses to admit "British jobs for British workers" was a grave error of judgement; refuses to admit he was completely wrong to have said he "abolished boom and boom;" refuses to admit we are in a "bust" (though bizarrely will admit we are in recession - how are the two not one and the same?); and worst of all, continues with his strategy of blaming everything on America and not taking any responsibility for his actions over the past 11 years.
The latter is the most serious obstacle to any credible, wholehearted mea culpa.
The idea that Brown will give a humble, 'Obama-style' apology in a self-deprecating manner is difficult to believe.
First, the man is in denial. He seems to honestly believe he has done nothing wrong; that it was not his fault that Britain has the biggest Budget deficit in the world; that Britain is the most indebted country in the world; that he designed our regulatory system that failed; and that he failed to curb the excesses of our financial services sector and call time on debt and the over-supply of money in the boom years which lies at the root of our particular troubles.
Second, he is unlikely to apologise because it this a huge character flaw of his - the man simply does not do apologies. Psychologically he just cannot bring himself to admit regret or mistakes because that, in his mind, makes him look weak and vulnerable rather than strong. He will see any admission of guilt as an electoral gift to the Tories.
Third, if Brown decides to play against type and go ahead, or was persuaded to do so, I doubt it would work because Brown, to put it bluntly, is a lousy actor. If this was Tony Blair we were talking about, you just know he would be able to pull it off even if he didn't mean a word he said. Brown, on the other and, will be incapable of looking convincing. Brown will be unable to pull off a Blair-style "masochism strategy."
Fourth, any apology is likely to fall short of what is necessary because of Brown's unwillingness to give his opponents too much ammunition and thus will feel underwhelming. His opponents will attack him for conveniently glossing over certain issues. It will only work if it is fulsome but this would undermine his current strategy (see below). But if it was seen as only a part apology his critics would continue to raise the issues he avoided demanding a further apology. A part apology would be the worst of all words.
Fifth, and finally, a mea culpa would mean Brown would have to adopt a completely new strategy and he is unlikely to want to change course - because again it will look like he has been following the wrong path during the past few months (not to mention years). He would no longer be able to just blame America as he will have admitted some responsibility lies at home - and most importantly, with him. If he gave a full apology he would admit he borrowed and spent too much money; allowed the deficit to grow too large; failed to run a surplus in the boom years; failed to design a financial regulatory system that was fit for purpose; and failed to call time on household debt and the over-supply of money. If Brown admits to all that – which would constitute a full apology – then not only will he have just agreed with the Tory critique of him, but it will also mean he could no longer pursue his policy of borrowing and spending more money to fight the recession as he will have admitted they were some of the causes for Britain’s recession – the worst in the developed world, according to the IMF.
For these reasons, I’d be amazed if Brown did a full mea culpa. However, if he does go ahead, it seems clear to me that Brown can study all the Obama DVDs he wants, but unless he truly believes he is culpable his mea culpa will be half-hearted and consequently will do more harm than good.
My gut instinct is that any apology will be similar to the bankers' apologies yesterday. He will say he is sorry in a general sense, but downplay any personal failings. It would be more of an apology about what the government did not do - properly regulate the banks, secure global economic early warning system (blah blah blah) - rather than what he did do - debt, deficit, over-supply of money etc. This will enable him to say sorry but pin the blame on others in reality without taking any genuine responsibility for his own actions.
As i argued above, a part apology would be insufficient and ill-advised.
Monday, 2 February 2009
British jobs for British workers
Tuesday, 27 January 2009
Will Labour leadership speculation start again?
As one can see from the figures below, taken from the excellent UK Polling Report website run by Anthony Wells, the Tories have regained double digit leads in surveys by all of the pollsters and are also above the psychologically important 40 percent mark.

More...
It is clear that nothing our hyperactive Prime Minister does is having the desired effect of making the recession shorter and shallower. Voters who seemingly started to give Brown the benefit of doubt before Christmas have since concluded that far from "saving the world," he hasn't even saved Britain. Brown is the "achieve nothing" Prime Minister.
Consequently, some are speculating that given Labour's dire polling and the worsening economic situation, the fun and games of last summer with all the leadership speculation will return with a vengeance.
I don't think this will happen.
Just as Brown had his chance to win an election back in Autumn 2007, the Parliamentary Labour Party had their chance to oust Brown last summer. As usual, the party bottled it and failed to knife a leader who will lead them to a heavy electoral defeat in 2010.
The Labour Party has made their bed and will have to lie in it. There is not time to change leader and in any case the public would punish them for naval gazing if they engaged in an act of regicide at a time of recession which is likely to prove the worst since the Second World War. Brown is therefore safe.
It would seem that Bottler Brown and the Bottler Labour Party deserve one another... and their electoral fate!
Friday, 16 January 2009
Brown as accomplished at table tennis as he's with economy
Hilarious! Brown is absolutely hopeless!
Of the four balls hit to him, he failed with all four of his 'returns' - 1) Net 2) Missed ball 3) Missed ball 4) Hit out - missed table. Shocking!
As Iain Dale asks, which adviser thought a game of table tennis with Harry Redknapp was a good idea in front of the Sky News cameras?
Dale goes too easy on the PM excusing his poor performance due to the fact that he has sight in only one eye. That's rubbish! He struggled to hit the ball because he was just plain crap! I would have been more successful if I had both my eyes shut!
I'm amazed Brown went for it. A year ago, almost to the day, Brown bottled a game of table tennis with Chinese Premier Wen.
The Guardian reported: "Ping-pong diplomacy hit a new low today as Gordon Brown ducked out of a table tennis challenge from the Chinese prime minister. The British PM, who is blind in one eye, politely declined a quick knockabout with Wen Jiabao as the two watched exhibition matches between young British table tennis hopefuls and their Chinese counterparts. Prime minister Wen told Brown: 'Actually, I do want to play a table tennis match with you.' The two men walked over to the tables and for one brief moment it appeared the contest between them might actually happen. But instead Brown walked to a microphone to announce a new scheme of partnership between young Chinese athletes and their British colleagues, who would work and train together on a 'buddy' system."
After today's performance, now we know why he bottled it!
Thursday, 4 December 2008
Who's interested in the economy, Prime Minister?
Brown criticised the Tories saying: "It is absolutely clear that the Opposition have no interest in listening to what we are doing about the economy. It is also absolutely clear that they are obsessed with only one thing today, but we have got to get on with the business of helping move from the downturn to higher prosperity."
Then a couple of minutes later Tory MP Andrew Robathan stood up and asked Brown: "The Prime Minister accused the Opposition of not being interested in his speech. Could he explain why the Benches behind him are empty, whereas ours are full?"
Thursday, 27 November 2008
The politics of “doing something”
So why has Brown adopted this strategy?
1) DIVIDING LINES - For Gordon Brown, politics is about dividing lines; it is how he operates. His most famous and successful dividing line used at consecutive general elections against the Conservatives was “Labour investment vs. Tory cuts.” The Prime Minister now wants the electorate to embrace his new dividing lines: “Labour action, strength and fairness vs. Tory inaction, dithering, and unfairness.” Brown believes this strategy will secure him victory at the next general election. For this is to work, he will need to call an election in 2009 rather than hang on until 2010. The PBR had all the hallmarks of an old-style pre-election giveaway Budget with: more money for pensioners; VAT tax cut in a pre-Christmas giveaway; softening the potential impact of planned changes to vehicle excise; and making permanent the pay-out for a majority of those who lost out from the abolition of the 10p tax rate (though still ignoring a million people who have yet to be ‘compensated’). In a year’s time Darling is unlikely to have any money left to hand out pre-election bribes. This will especially be the case if his (optimistic) growth forecasts need to be downgraded yet again as seems likely. Whether Brown can call an election in 2009 in the midst of a recession and after all his election shenanigans for party political advantage a year ago is a moot point. John Rentoul reckons Brown has made calling a 2009 election harder on Sunday's BBC1 Politics Show, when he ad libbed: "I am not planning it at all; I do not think people would think much of me." We shall see…
2) FEAR OF IMPOTENCE FROM A BIG STATE POLITICIAN - Another reason why Brown has adopted a “do something” strategy is that he is an instinctive big State politician who thinks that the State always offers the best solution. He will have felt compelled to act because of this and also because he would not have wanted to admit his own impotence. Brown could have prepared Britain better for an economic downturn. Over the last 11 years he could have taken steps to prevent Britain having the world’s biggest housing boom. Remember in his 1997 Budget Statement he promised: "I will not allow house prices to get out of control and put at risk the sustainability of the recovery." He could have taken steps to ensure that Britain did not have the highest levels of personal debt in the world. And he could have taken steps to balance the economy so that it was not overly dependent on housing, finance and government spending. But Brown chose to do none of these things and instead chose to preside over an unsustainable boom with the largest budget deficit in the developed world. As a result of not “fixing the roof when the sun was shining,” he has been forced to abandon his fiscal rules – the bedrock of his economic policy – and borrow vast sums of money, leading to a doubling of the national debt to over £1 trillion in just five years time. Faced with a large budget deficit and no money Brown is unwilling to admit he is impotent to act even though he admitted back in 1997 as Chancellor that: “We have learned from past mistakes... you cannot spend your way out of a recession.” But that was then and this is now. Now, Brown is Prime Minister and fighting for his political life. He is returning to type as the instinctive big State politician, believing that if he “does nothing,” admits he did not prepare for a downturn and as a consequence is impotent in the face of the recession, he will be duly punished by the electorate
3) HE ACTUALLY BELIEVES IT WILL WORK - A further reason – and the least cynical - why Brown has adopted his “do something” approach is that he genuinely believes his fiscal stimulus will work. It will not come as a surprise that I do not agree. I think the centrepiece of his stimulus – the cut in VAT – will not work as I cannot see how it will have a great effect on behaviour, or any effect, to that matter. Why will a 2.5 percent cut make any difference when shops are already offering substantial discounts of 20 percent or more? Furthermore, only about half of the 2.5 percent cut translates into an actual cut in consumer prices, according to economists, and this is even dependent on retailers passing on the cuts rather than pocketing themselves. I understand why the government chose VAT for a cut because it is immediate and is designed to encourage spending because to make savings you have to spend money as VAT is a tax on spending but I strongly believe, for the reasons outlined above, it will have only a marginal effect at best and definitely not worth the £12 billion the government is borrowing to pay for its temporary tax giveaway. Brown would have been better off raising the tax free allowance of income tax for low income workers or cutting the basic rate of income tax. This would benefit low income and middle income workers most and these are the type of people who are feeling the pinch and are unlikely to save their tax cut as they do not have that luxury. Brown has made a costly mistake which although passes the “do something” test, fails the “do something worthwhile” test.
The Conservatives criticise Brown’s fiscal stimulus because they argue, quoting the IMF, that Britain, with such a large budget deficit, should not be going down this route, as a stimulus package is only for those with surpluses or relatively small deficits. The Tories thus argue the government is being irresponsible – both in not building a surplus in the good years and for borrowing even more money to fund a fiscal stimulus now in the bad years. They also argue that economic history proves that governments cannot spend their way out of recession. It failed in the 1930s when FDR tried it in the United States (only working with a shift to a war economy) and it failed during the 1990s when Japan tried it during their “Lost Decade.” The Conservatives also argue that tax cuts should be funded (paid for by cuts in spending and thus responsible) and they should be permanent. Brown’s fiscal stimulus essentially lasts only 13 months and then comes to end followed by permanent tax increases which is the last thing the economy will need when it is trying to recover.
That is the critique from the Right, but one can also criticise Brown’s fiscal stimulus from the Left. Brown’s stimulus basically amounts to 1 percent of GDP, which is what the IFS said would be the bare minimum. The IMF has called for a stimulus of 2 percent of GDP which in Britain’s case would equate to about £30 billion. Moreover, in the United States, President-Elect Obama’s advisers have been talking about a stimulus in the region of 3.5 to 5 percent of US GDP. The critique from the Left is therefore that never mind whether Brown has chosen the right way to transmit his stimulus to the failing British economy, the real problem with Brown’s stimulus is that it simply is not large enough to do any good anyway. If this US stimulus comes to pass it will be a bold move by the new President because America’s budget deficit and public debt are also at similar levels, proportionally, to Britain’s. When one looks at the measures Brown has announced from the perspective of the Left, he has been far too cautious – and fudged his stimulus. Not large enough to do any good, but large enough to claim he is “doing something.” Gerard Baker in the Times (25 November) has given an explanation for why Brown has chosen not to “go for broke” like Obama. He wrote: “The answer is that Britain is much more vulnerable to further meltdown in the financial system. As bad as it is, the total size of the contingent liabilities of the US banking system is probably no more than 30 percent of US GDP. In Britain the number is probably between 200 and 300 percent. If a large chunk of that eventually has to be met by the Government, the scale of the fiscal crisis would be awful in America but literally catastrophic in Britain.” I would add another answer. Brown does not like being branded “irresponsible” by the Tories and accused of putting economic stability at risk. Had he gone for a fiscal stimulus of 2 percent of GDP or more he would have opened himself up further to the “irresponsible” charge and a larger “tax bombshell” to follow. In the consequences, Brown compromised and took the middle road between “doing nothing” and “doing something worthwhile” leaving him with the worst option of “doing something costly and ineffective.”
Wednesday, 19 November 2008
Should Brown go to the polls 'early' in 2009?
- The effects of the recession on the real economy are only just starting to be felt. By going to the polls in spring 2009, the effects of the recession may not be as bad as in 2010.
- Moreover, the IMF and the European Commission have both predicted that Britain will suffer one of the worst recessions out of developed world economies and the CBI has predicted a deep recession. By 2010, the UK could still be in recession or, even if the first shoots of growth were being seen, the economy would not have picked up sufficiently to help Brown electorally.
- Furthermore, Andrew Rawnsley and Robert Winnett have both argued that the Conservative strategy is based on playing a long-game over 18 months until 2010. Winnett wrote: “The Tories are betting everything on a 2010 election,” and added: “With big quick tax and interest rate cuts on the way, 2009 will be looking increasingly attractive for Brown. He won't be able to pull the same trick next year and the eye of the recession may be the best time for Labour to go to the polls. By 2010 they may be long forgotten and any recovery will be in the very early stages... The Conservatives will be hoping that Brown doesn't have the nerve to go early." Nevertheless, I would argue that the Conservative strategy is not as rigidly based on 2010 as Rawnsley and Winnett have argued. I'm sure this is their preference but their strategy could still be applied to 2009. By then they could have offered their own significant funded tax cuts and still use the “higher taxes under Labour” message in an election campaign. Moreover, by spring 2009 the tax giveaways from Brown may not have come through in time to be felt and therefore it would be too early to decide whether Brown was indeed the saviour he claims he is - though this does perhaps bolster his claim to see the job through.
- An early poll could play into Brown’s hands because he could ask the British people to give him a mandate to steer the country out of recession using all his experience he gained as Chancellor for 10 years. On this, he has the opinion polls on his side. Polls are still showing that there is a contrast between people’s preferences now and in the longer term future. In the latest Populus poll for the Times (11 November), Gordon Brown has a large lead over David Cameron as the “right leader to deal with Britain’s economy in a recession” (52 percent to 32 percent). However, David Cameron beats Brown when people are asked who is “better able to lead Britain forward after the next general election” (42 percent to 35 percent).
Tuesday, 18 November 2008
Has Brown made a fundamental error?
For years Brown has favoured raising taxes (indirectly and by stealth, it must be said) and using the money raised to fund public spending (what Brown preferred to call 'investment'). Hugo Young on Gordon Brown
Monday, 17 November 2008
Those in doubt of Osborne, read Rawnsley...
Sunday, 16 November 2008
Osborne tells it like it is...
Thursday, 13 November 2008
BBC Bias #1
What's also clear is that Labour backbenchers were relishing the prospect of a political punch-up on the economy. That's why they shouted when the Tory leader chose another subject. That, perhaps, is what was in the prime minister's mind when he suggested that Cameron was playing politics.
My immediate reaction on the Daily Politics on BBC2 was to say that the prime minister had shown a "political tone-deafness" to the mood outside Westminster and that Mr Cameron probably could not believe his "political luck" that he managed to avoid talking about the economy. Labour's John Cruddas and the Lib Dems' Charles Kennedy - who were in the studio with me - agreed. Interestingly, some who were watching in the Commons gallery did not. They thought the Tory leader's visible loss of temper showed him in a very poor light." This is absolute biased nonsense with Robinson seeking to defend and offer excuses for the shameful behaviour of Gordon Brown and Labour MPs at ever turn.
Wednesday, 12 November 2008
PMQs - The Fallout
Chair of the Children Schools and Families Select Committee Barry Sheerman on Cameron: "It was purely party political; it was the leader of a party who says 'how can we get the most attention in the headlines today'."
PMQs - Callous PM & Labour Party
Tuesday, 11 November 2008
Brown attacks tax cuts & spending... in 1997

The tax cut battleground
Cameron has outlined a national insurance tax break for companies as an incentive to take on staff. It would be funded from unemployment benefit savings. In other words, companies would receive a proportion of the benefit payment in the form of a tax break. Cameron said it costs the taxpayer over £8,000 every time someone takes unemployment benefit and his proposal would see approximately £2,500 of that sum used to fund a cut in the amount of NI paid by businesses. The Conservatives say their plan would create 350,000 jobs and cut the tax burden on companies by £2.6 billion.
Cameron described his announcement this morning as a "budget submission," rather than a future policy pledge for an incoming Tory government, to help alleviate unemployment which he hoped Brown would accept and Darling would implement next week in the Pre-Budget Report.
Brown has already disappointed Cameron though by rejecting it as a "one-off initiative," said the figures "simply do not add up" and said "serious policy" was needed for "serious times." The government line continues to be that the Conservatives have an incoherent economic strategy.
Moreover, as Guido has pointed out, it is more of a tax credit than a tax cut. He said that although it was more welcome help for small businesses, the problem with it was that the £2,500 tax credit was only for new created jobs and did not apply to companies that were thinking of laying off workers to cut costs. In other words, it might help small businesses, if implemented, who want to grow and recruit staff - thus cutting unemployment; but will do nothing for those who want to retain staff but cannot afford to do so - thus doing nothing to prevent unemployment.
One must conclude that this is another welcome proposal but nothing revolutionary and once again small in scope. It thus can be added to other initiatives announced by the Tories on council tax, NI and VAT.
It will undoubtedly disappoint those who wanted to see something more substantial.
If Cameron is moving towards acknowledging that monetary policy alone is going to be insufficient to get us out of recession, "fiscal stimulus," as the PM puts it, will be necessary. So again we are back to two choices. Increased public spending or cut taxes. A Keynesian spending splurge will not work; it is far too slow. So we are left with tax cuts as even Brown seems to have come to admit.
Three more questions arise:
1) What taxes to cut? 2) By how much? and 3) How to pay?
1) WHAT TAXES TO CUT? The Conservatives have thus far focused most of their attention on measures to help small businesses (council tax pledge being the exception). They reason that it is SMEs that are the driving force of the economy so that by keeping them going, the economy will be stronger.
The Lib Dems (and possibly Labour - we'll see possibly next week) have argued that income tax should be cut to help stimulate demand. The Lib Dems, for example, have said they would cut the basic rate of income tax from 20% to 16% thus helping low and middle income earners.
Ordinarily I would be all for a cut in income tax but there is a problem with it. For it to have the desired effect, the government would need to ensure that people spent the extra money they were being allowed to keep. However, given the constant flow of bad economic news, it is quite probable that a majority of people would try and pocket the tax cut, saving the money in anticipation of worse times ahead. I can't see how the government can compel people to spend the money from the tax cut given the fear being whipped up by the media.
Nevertheless, in an ideal world a combination of the Conservative and Lib Dem approach - measures to help business and a cut in income tax would probably be the best option to help alleviate the effects of the recession and help stimulate demand.
But that leads us on to 2) BY HOW MUCH? How large should the tax cut be? The Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS) has said that a tax cut would need to be in the region of £15 billion to have any effect.
The Conservatives are wedded to their 'fiscal responsibility' approach, which Rachel Sylvester in the Times today has called the 'housewife strategy' (households are having to tighten their belts and make sacrifices, so should government - it is no time to get another unaffordable credit card). He can't claim that the cupboard is bare to then suddenly magic up £15 billion worth of tax cuts. So if we really are entering the ‘tax cut war’ between the parties, the Conservatives will lose in the battle of who can promise to cut tax the most. Cameron will be trumped by both the Lib Dems and Labour which is a surprising position for a Tory leader to be in. Yet, ‘sound money’ is also a strong Conservative principle. Cameron is taking a punt that the British people will reward him for his pledge not to saddle future generations with large debts and high taxes. He is essentially saying that Gordon might have left Prudence at the alter, but she's dating Dave now. In contrast, Brown is saying to hell with Prudence, in 'unique' times like these, he needs Miss Profligate Spendthrift on his arm.
This leads us to the last question: 3) HOW TO PAY? This is the clear dividing line between Brown and Cameron. Brown is willing to borrow to cut taxes while Cameron is behaving like the Brown of old saying there should be no unfunded tax cuts. Brown is hoping that the British people will let him borrow and spend and ignore the fact that for decades he has been accusing the Tories of offering unfunded tax cuts but is now proposing to do just that himself. Cameron is hoping that the British people, and the media in particular, will not let Brown get away with it and instead will reward, prudent Cameron, the responsible steward of the economy. Cameron is setting himself out as responsible and therefore Brown as irresponsible.
There is of course more scope for Cameron to offer ‘funded’ tax cuts but he seems unwilling to go down that route, to the dismay of many Conservatives. He could pledge to cut public spending but Cameron would probably argue that cutting spending at such a time would not be ‘responsible’ as it would cut demand in a recession. However, many on the right disagree, including Nick Clegg, and say that public spending has increased by vast amounts over the last eight years or so, a significant proportion of which is wasted and spent inefficiently. But Cameron will know from his experience of the 2005 general election working for Michael Howard that a policy of tax cuts funded by pledges to cut government waste has not proved successful. Cameron might also be fearful of opening up another unnecessary front in which he is open to attacks from Brown that he is cutting vital frontline services – whether true or not. We all know that Brown doesn’t let truth and honesty get in his way. But nonetheless, if Cameron wanted to be bolder, there clearly is scope to offer funded tax cuts – though it is true that cutting waste is often easier said than done.
This is a ‘game’ of high stakes. Whoever wins the battle of borrow and spend vs. fiscal responsibility could very well have the keys for Number 10 in 2010. Cameron's approach is sensible, though not flashy, will help minimise the effects during the recession and will significantly reduce the hurt after the recession and place Britain in good shape globally ahead of the upturn. Brown's approach is likely to prove bold and brash, may very well have a greater effect during the recession (though this is not guaranteed as it could hurt the value of pound sterling, for example), but its recklessness will prove damaging after the recession as the costs of his borrow and spend policy are borne by us all through higher taxes and/or significant cuts in public spending. This could leave Britain behind the curve internationally in trying to benefit from any economic upturn.
What seems clear, however, is that Brown looks like throwing everything, including the kitchen sink, at this recession in the hope that it wins him another term in office after 2010. Brown is obviously in power so we will get what he wants and Cameron can only warn, criticise and set-out what he would do differently. Unfortunately for us, that means we will ultimately suffer the consequences and if Cameron does win the next general elections he will be left picking up the pieces of an economic wreckage caused by a reckless driver by the name of Gordon Brown.
UPDATE: Adam Boulton makes a good point I meant to include. He's written: "The challenge for the Tories will be whether they hold their nerve and oppose hand backs which are likely to appeal to hard-pressed voters and businesses." Will shall see...
UPDATE 2: Been thinking... If Brown does indeed offer unfunded tax cuts Cameron needs to hit home the message hard that we will all pay for it through higher taxes. Labour may offer short-term gain, but it will end in long-term pain!
